THE United States has reset its relations with West Africa’s military rulers, offering security assistance against jihadist insurgents in exchange for access to the region’s lucrative mineral reserves, analysts say.
The policy reversal follows President Donald Trump’s return to the White House, marking a clear break from Joe Biden’s decision to suspend aid to Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger after a string of coups between 2020 and 2023.
The new approach is part of Washington’s wider pivot in Africa, aimed at countering Russian and Chinese influence. ‘Trade, not aid … is now truly our policy for Africa,’ Troy Fitrell, the State Department’s top Africa official, told an audience in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire, in May.
High-level US visits to Sahel capitals
In recent weeks, senior American envoys have made stops in Bamako, Ouagadougou and Niamey. All three Sahel states have battled jihadist groups linked to al Qaeda and Islamic State for more than a decade.
Rudolph Atallah, a Trump security adviser, visited Mali in early July, declaring: ‘We have the necessary equipment, the intelligence and the forces to stand up to this menace. If Mali decides to work with us, we’ll know what to do,’ according to the country’s state newspaper.
Days later, William B. Stevens, deputy assistant secretary for West Africa, floated the idea of private American investment in counter-terrorism efforts during a speech in Bamako.
Ulf Laessing, head of the Sahel programme at Germany’s Konrad Adenauer Foundation, told AFP that Washington’s offer included ‘killing the leaders of jihadist groups, in exchange for access to lithium and gold for American businesses’.
Gold, lithium and uranium on the table
Mineral resources have become central to the Trump administration’s diplomatic agenda. Mali is among Africa’s top producers of gold and lithium, the latter essential for electric vehicle batteries. Burkina Faso also holds vast gold reserves, while Niger is a major exporter of uranium, a key fuel for nuclear power.
Although the juntas seized power vowing to keep their countries’ wealth in local hands, they have welcomed the US shift. Mali’s foreign minister Abdoulaye Diop praised the ‘convergence of viewpoints’ between Bamako and Washington in July.
Laessing suggested some in the State Department had promoted the mineral angle as a way of keeping US embassies open, noting fears of Russian and Chinese expansion in the region.
Still, analysts caution that any resource agreements will take time. ‘The terrorism threat is the biggest issue … stabilising the region is key to any investment hopes,’ said Liam Karr of the American Enterprise Institute.
Russia’s presence complicates Washington’s plans
The US move comes despite the Sahel’s military leaders pivoting towards Moscow since cutting ties with Western allies, particularly France. Russia has deployed Wagner mercenaries and, more recently, its Africa Corps to fight insurgents alongside Sahelian armies.
Niger’s decision to nationalise the local arm of French uranium giant Orano has opened the door for Kremlin-backed miners to pursue uranium extraction.
Yet Washington has avoided confrontation with Moscow. During his Mali trip, Atallah said he saw no issue with Russia’s presence, insisting countries were free to choose their partners.
Former US ambassador to Niger, Bisa Williams, told AFP that Trump’s transactional approach meshed with Russia’s, noting that a deal could see ‘majority or near-majority ownership and a high percentage of extracted minerals in exchange for support fighting terrorism’.
Such arrangements could even involve American private military contractors, Williams suggested, allowing Trump to bypass congressional scrutiny and avoid backlash from his political base.
A transactional foreign policy
The shift underscores Trump’s focus on leveraging Africa’s natural resources for strategic gains, while offering military backing against jihadist groups.
For now, the Sahel juntas appear open to the deal. But the balancing act between American offers, Russian mercenary support, and domestic promises of sovereignty over resources may prove difficult to sustain.
As Washington re-enters the Sahel on a ‘trade not aid’ footing, the region’s future could hinge on whether mineral wealth fuels stability or deepens its entanglement in global rivalries.
